Wshould we implement a cease-fire that could have been lifted months ago, to save thousands of Palestinian lives in Gaza and the lives of at least some of the hostages held by Hamas and its supporters? One can only celebrate that, for at least six weeks, the Palestinian residents of Gaza may no longer face bombardment, hunger, and deprivation at the hands of the Israeli forces. And up to 33 hostages will enjoy their freedom for the first time since Oct. 7, 2023, and hundreds of prisoners held by Israel.
At the same time, we have to ask: why did it take so long? It takes two to agree on any deal, and no doubt there were pullbacks on both sides. However, it was mainly Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who repeatedly moved the goalposts, adding new conditions despite the ongoing great suffering.
The Israeli government has long said it wants to “destroy Hamas,” but that has always been a pipe dream. Bring down Hamas? Yes, that was done, but it destroyed Hamas, a group that took thousands of members and the management of Gaza for the better part of two decades, always seemed impossible. But it worked to change the topic from Israel-only-outside inciting violent resistance, and provided an excuse to continue fighting despite the 15 months of horrors inflicted on the people of Gaza.
Read more: A Guide to Lasting Peace Between Israelis and Palestinians
Indeed, the very brutality of Israel’s military campaign—the destruction of entire neighborhoods, the repeated bombings by Hamas fighters or suspected criminals who do not care about the dead, the increase in the number of deaths due to the destruction of many health care facilities. , and the imposition of near-famine-like conditions—have proved a predictable catalyst for improving Hamas recruitment.
The Israeli government has made peace with the superpower Lebanese Hezbollah after simply humiliating but not “destroying” it. Why not with Hamas?
A large part of the answer lies in Netanyahu’s personal interests. His hold on power depends on two distant ministers, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. Hoping to gradually annex all the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, they see the war in Gaza as an opportunity to push the estimated 2 million Palestinians out of the Strip.
Of course, Egypt doesn’t want them—we have enough economic and security problems. But Smotrich spoke of the “voluntary displacement” of Palestinians from Gaza, meaning the creation of conditions inside that were so dangerous and inhumane that Palestinians felt they had no choice but to flee their country. like Nakbaor “catastrophe,” as the Palestinians refer to their mass expulsion in 1948, flight would be one way; Israel’s goal was that they should not be allowed to return.
As recently as this week, Ben-Gvir warned that he would leave Netanyahu’s government if an agreement to end the violence was reached. You still can. That would threaten not only Netanyahu’s hold on power but also his political future and personal freedom, because the end of the war could mean a political reckoning with the intelligence failures that led to the Oct. 7 and the completion of his case is pending. corruption cases.
Read more: How Netanyahu Viewed Israel’s Security
So what has changed? Time suggests that the important thing was to return to the White House of Donald Trump. He threatened that “all hell will break loose” if the deal was not completed.
It was not clear what he meant. The idea that he would cut off arms sales and military aid to Israel when Joe Biden never did was not in the cards. As for the Palestinian people, it was hard to imagine a worse situation, other than the forced displacement of many people which would be a sure way to further Israel’s global opprobrium.
Instead, Netanyahu appears to have used the pretext of Trump’s threats to insist to his far-right allies that he has no choice but to accept the ceasefire. Whether those will work remains to be seen. That the fate of 2 million Gazans depends on such political behavior is outrageous.
Certainly, Israel had every right to respond to the horrific attacks of Hamas. But it had no right to a response that showed such a lack of concern for the lives of so many people—which a growing number of governments, human rights organizations, and academics say amounts to genocide. And it had no right to continue that war when its concept as a matter of national security had long since disappeared and the war had become a mere tool for one man to maintain power.
Netanyahu is already facing charges at the International Court of Justice for alleged war crimes in Gaza. But he also deserves our incorruptible condemnation. Let’s hope that he will go down in history not only as someone who was willing to tear up basic laws designed to protect citizens from the dangers of war. He must also be known as someone who accepts the death of many people just to hold on to power.
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